300. Another round number
The cultural illiteracy of lawyers, a highly-educated and hyper-articulate lot, is a mystery to me. How can intelligent people know so much and so little at the same time? Take, for example, Chief Justice Rehnquist quoting Iago, literature's greatest lying defamer, to demonstrate the preciousness of reputation.
Shakespeare thought he was being ironic, making the groundlings shout, "Don't listen to him!", and demonstrating how overblown rhetoric can contribute to a sensible man losing his senses. (Who honestly believes his or her purse is "trash"?) But our Chief Justice proved as gullible as Othello himself.
The latest example comes from an ABA Committee: "A criminal conviction is, in a very real sense, a 'mark of Cain,' which sets its bearer permanently and indelibly apart from the rest of society." The committee's sole cited source for that allusion was a newspaper article by blogger Webb "I shoulda stayed a judge" Hubbell (whose notoriety, it might be argued, makes his experience a wee bit atypical among convicted felons, and whose credibility, one might have thought, would be relatively low among lawyers, in particular).
The committee didn't cite to the other, better-known source for the phrase:
And the LORD said unto him, Therefore whosoever slayeth Cain, vengeance shall be taken on him sevenfold. And the LORD set a mark upon Cain, lest any finding him should kill him.
Or, if Tyndale is too 16th-century for your taste, here's the New International Version:
Then the Lord put a mark on Cain so that no one who found him would kill him.
The Contemporary English Version (a/k/a Today's English Version) may win the award as the clearest of all:
So the LORD put a mark on Cain to warn everyone not to kill him.
The "mark of Cain" was placed upon its bearer to protect him, not to cast him out from society. The protection was necessary because he was already set apart from the rest of society ("a fugitive and a vagabond shalt thou be in the earth").
So when the ABA committee said that a criminal record is "in a very real sense, a 'mark of Cain,'" it was saying the opposite of what it meant. Furthermore, since the original mark was, you know, a mark (here's a variety of translations of 'owth from the Hebrew), the committee was using "in a very real sense" to mean "figuratively speaking" - a wordier version of the illiterate use of "literally" as an intensifier.
The committee's proposal was to seal all criminal court records, in defiance of the sixth amendment's guarantee of a public trial:
The commission wanted the ABA to favor legislation at all levels, "to the extent permitted by the First Amendment," to restrict access to records of dismissed or acquitted indictments, and records of past convictions after a period of time, to law enforcement agencies only.
Now, even someone as commercially-inept as myself can see that if the government records were sealed after initially being made public, a private market would instantly develop. The committee's proposal would make criminal records as unreliable, as difficult to correct, and as routinely relied upon as credit reports are today. (Hey, but you could hire a lawyer to clear up the misunderstandings!)
But its absurdity is the least-interesting thing about the proposal. Like Whitman, it contained multitudes. It was an anthology of the modern American judiciary's greatest hits. First, there's the preference for constructed reality over truth. The whole point of the proposal, after all, was to prevent people from discovering truthful information, and instead to trick them into believing in an alternative reality - exactly what criminal court judges do to juries when they suppress or otherwise exclude relevant evidence. Truth is not a legal value.
Second: But above all else, truth about the legal system is to be tightly-controlled. The people shouldn't be told more than is good for them. It's more important for the judiciary to have a good reputation than to deserve one. (See post 272 and post 287.) So information about what actually goes on in one-third of the government needs to be parceled out on a need-to-know basis. And, tcha, you know what? - you don't need to know.
Third: There is no reality outside of the courtroom. If a person is found not guilty of embezzlement, that means the person didn't embezzle. Therefore, if a prospective employer declines to hire the acquitted embezzler to keep the company's books, it's "unfair discrimination", and drastic steps must be taken to ensure that future decisions are based on less information.
Fourth: The job of the legal profession, whether acting through its judges or its trade associations, is to control the behavior of non-lawyers. Specifically, its job is to prevent people from acting in ways that the people consider rational. That's why, for example, relevant evidence is concealed from juries - to prevent them from drawing rational conclusions from it. (See post 40.) So if a person hiring a bookkeeper would think it rational to consider whether the applicant had a history of arrests for embezzlement, then the legal profession's job is to prevent the person from becoming aware of that fact.
Fifth: So long as you profess your noble intentions, unintended consequences are of no concern. Since the committee wanted to stop one type of discrimination, and stopping discrimination is good, therefore it simply didn't matter what other effects its proposal would have had. In the same way, allowing a person to get away with raping and murdering a child, for example, is trivial in comparison to the glory of advancing an important principle - even if the principle in question had to be invented on the spot.
Sixth: All decisions of significance to the legal system are made by legal professionals. If a decision is made by anyone else - say, a prospective employer or landlord - then, by definition, it's not something the legal system needs to respect. That's what the committee was saying when it proposed that the records be sealed "to the extent permitted by the First Amendment." They meant: to the extent permitted by judges interpreting the first amendment, which is the same as saying: to the extent permitted by judges, period.


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